Yes, in Malaysia, you do not work against those who walk in the corridors of power. If you oppose the powers-that-be you end up dead, disappeared, or in jail. That is if they can’t buy you.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

Seremban Umno makes history

The Seremban Umno division yesterday made history as the only division in the party to hold three meetings after the first two attempts failed. The first meeting on Nov 9 was postponed after a fight broke out. The second meeting on Dec 27 was postponed.

Yesterday, Seremban Umno division chief Datuk Ishak Ismail retained his position, which he had held since 1988, when his opponent, Mohd Nor Awang, did not qualify to contest after facing bribery allegations. -- The New Straits Times, 1 February 2009

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Live by the sword, die by the sword

Meanwhile, as they try their best to get back Perak through foul means, in other places they run the risk of losing power. In Negeri Sembilan, all Pakatan Rakyat needs are three state seats to oust Barisan Nasional from the state. Umno is watching that state closely lest three Barisan Nasional State Assemblymen cross over to Pakatan Rakyat to help them form the new Negeri Sembilan state government. And Negeri Sembilan is Khairy Jamaluddin’s state, the state he hopes he will one day become Menteri Besar of before he journeys to Putrajaya to take the seat as Prime Minister of Malaysia some time after 2020.

But Khairy no longer has time to worry about Negeri Sembilan. Negeri Sembilan is something in the future. Negeri Sembilan can wait. Khairy has more immediate problems to worry about. -- The Corridors of Power (https://mt.m2day.org/2008/content/view/17434/84/)

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Umno’s disciplinary problems

What makes it so difficult for the tribunal (the Umno Disciplinary Board) to effectively carry out its functions is the selective prosecution it must practice in the discharge of its duties. Actions can only be taken if required or useful to certain top leaders. The tribunal lacks clear mandate from the party management in dealing with money politics, Umno's euphemism for corrupt practice. -- Datuk Zaid Ibrahim

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Either you are with me or you are against me, said President Bush Junior. Either you are with me or you die, says Umno. Hey, what the fork, can’t we agree to disagree? (Ha! I bet you thought I was going to use the ‘other’ four-letter ‘F’ word. Gotcha!).

The objective of the Umno exercise is very simple, so simple that many within Umno do not see it. That’s because they try to look for the ‘udang sebalik batu’ (the prawn behind the stone; meaning, the hidden agenda).

There is no udang sebalik batu or hidden agenda. The agenda is very clear and ‘transparent’. Bring down Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s key people so that, come March 2009, the Prime Minister will be all alone and isolated, and would therefore have to step down and hand over to Najib Tun Razak as planned.

Negeri Sembilan is Khairy Jamaluddin’s, the Prime Minister’s son-in-law’s home base. And that is where he is building his political fortunes so that in the next election (say in 2012-2013) he can contest a state seat and become the next Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan. Then, say around 2017-2018 or so, he will contest a parliament seat and will be on the way to become the Prime Minister by the age of 40 as he aspires.

Make no bones about it. Khairy can make it and I will place my money on that happening (unless Pakatan Rakyat kicks out Barisan Nasional and takes over the federal government first). But he can make it only if Najib does not take over as Prime Minister in March 2009 and if Pak Lah continues as Prime Minister until the next general election.

Khairy knows this. Najib knows this. And probably nearly every Malaysian, Pak Lah included, knows this as well. So, do you think Najib is going to allow this to happen? There is room for only one at the top. And Najib wants this to be him, not Khairy.

Even the CEO of Air Asia knows that Khairy’s days are numbered, or so he thinks, and he is quickly distancing himself from Khairy as his Malaysiakini interview has revealed. “The biggest mistake of my life, and to be fair to this guy, is (when) Khairy Jamaluddin’s team came to propose sponsoring the MyTeam (football project). Honestly, it was the biggest mistake of my life,” said Tony Fernandez.

When the rats begin to desert the ship then you certainly know that the ship is about to sink. And there is another rat that has deserted what he believes to be the sinking ship. And this rat is the Honorary Consul of Mongolia to Malaysia, Syed Rahman Alhabshi.

When I first met Syed Rahman it was during a meeting I was having with Zahid Md Arip and Datuk Kamal Amir at The Dome in the Bangsar Shopping Centre. I had known Zahid, the grandson of Tun Ghafar Baba, since 1998. I know his uncle, Tamrin, even longer, probably since the 1980s. But that was the first time I met Datuk Kamal.

As we were talking, Syed Rahman passed by and Datuk Kamal invited him to join us, which he did. It was then that I realised who he was. Okay, he is not a dashing-looking sort of fellow and it is not quite like his face stands out in the crowd. So I did not recognise him at first until I was told who he is.

What Syed Rahman told us was no different from what Bala said is his Statutory Declaration. The long and short of it all, what Syed Rahman revealed was that Najib and Rosmah are involved in Altantuya’s murder and that Najib was in fact having an affair with the now dead Mongolian beauty.

I met Syed Rahman once or twice after that at the Mahbol Mamak restaurant in Taman Tun Dr Ismail, this time with a larger crowd that included Jadawi Datuk Ghazali and his wife, Salleh Yassin, a military intelligence chap called Major Salleh, Aspan Alias (an Umno stalwart), Naqib, and about a dozen or so others. It was one huge party of people.

Syed Rahman has the habit of shooting his mouth off. He would tell all and sundry and every man and his dog the story of Najib and Altantuya, if they cared to give him their ears. He was Malaysia’s one and only tukang karut (storyteller). In fact, he even gave press conferences and related in great detail and with much gusto his disgust with how the Malaysian police and the judiciary are handling the Altantuya murder investigation and trial. It appeared like he was going to single-handedly bring down Najib.

Altantuya’s father, Dr Steve Shariibuu, was so impressed with Syed Rahman’s performance that he gave him an entire dossier that would be able to implicate Najib in Altantuya’s murder, or at least implicate him in an affair with her. “I trusted him so much,” explained Dr Shariibuu, “and did not suspect he would betray me.”

According to Syed Rahman, who never denied that Dr Shariibuu had given him this thick dossier, he had handed it to the police to help them in their investigation. He said he never thought of making any copies. And this is the same thing Dr Shariibuu said when asked if he had made any copies of the dossier.

How convenient. Only one copy of the very damaging dossier exists and it has been handed to the police. Neither Syed Rahman nor Dr Shariibuu made any copies. Guess what has now happened to that only one copy of damaging evidence? No, no prize for the right guess.

Syed Rahman said the IGP spoke to him and advised him to ‘leave the country’ if Najib ever becomes Prime Minister. Would the IGP do such a thing? Was Syed Rahman telling the truth or was he preparing the ground to eventually jump ship and he needed the ‘justification’ to do so?

Whatever it may be, Syed Rahman did jump to the other side, whether under threat or inducement. And in late August 2008, a few days before the Permatang Pauh by-election, he went before national television to deny all the ‘lies’ and to endorse Najib and to proclaim Najib's innocence in the Altantuya murder.

Why this about-turn? Was he threatened like private investigator Bala and the two missing PKR State Assemblymen -- who are all still missing even as you read this? Or was he offered a large amount of money, too large to say no to? Remember, when they tried to convince the Umno State Assemblyman who had crossed over to PKR earlier this week to return to Umno, they reminded him about what happened to Altantuya and Bala. In short, if he refused to return to Umno then expect the same fate.

Yes, in Malaysia, you do not work against those who walk in the corridors of power. If you oppose the powers-that-be you end up dead, disappeared, or in jail. That is if they can’t buy you. Those in Umno face sacking from the party as many have discovered. You just do not oppose those who imagine themselves as God.

Take the money or die. Take the money or get sacked. Take the money or go to jail. That is the Umno way of doing things. And many have fallen victim to this ‘gentle persuasion’. And those who do not heed this ‘advice’ will suffer. And if you have a low tolerance for pain you succumb to the cohesion. And if you are stubborn you face the consequences.

It may already be a foregone conclusion that the two PKR State Assemblymen from Perak would rather not go to jail. Never mind if they face fabricated charges and were set up. You still go to jail. Would you rather go to jail or accept power and plenty of money? Many would rather choose power and money over jail, unfortunately.

Anyway, in case anyone would like to know, Barisan Nasional still needs one more Perak State Assemblyman or woman to form the state government even if the two PKR State Assemblymen cross over to Umno. And the going price for the last State Assemblyman or woman they need to complete the takeover of Perak is RM15 million. Yes, that’s right, the price has gone up from RM10 million to RM15 million. And they need just one more State Assemblyman or woman. Any takers?

And while you mull on that, also mull on the following. Was Kugan killed while in police custody because he was a car thief or because he was a witness to the car-stealing ring that involved senior police officers? This is what the family is asking. And the first autopsy showed he died because of water in the lungs. Hmm, in some countries you die of water in the lungs while under police custody because they submerge your head in the toilet bowl and flush the toilet. Most interesting indeed would you not agree?

Okay, back to Syed Rahman. What was Syed Rahman’s motivation for the U-turn? Did they threaten him or was he paid a lot of money? Maybe this photograph of him with Najib can shed some light on the matter. Does he look frightened? Does it appear like he is an unwilling participant? Or is this a photo of a very happy man who has just made millions by endorsing Najib and proclaiming to the world that Najib is innocent and is not involved in the Altantuya murder?

You be the judge.

(Hrkh) - Timbalan Perdana Menteri, Dato' Seri Najib Tun Abdul Razak akan melalui jalan sukar untuk menduduki kerusi Putrajaya sebagai Perdana Menteri kerana terdapat petunjuk proses peralihan kuasa mungkin tidak berlaku atas desakan pelbagai pihak dalam Umno sendiri kata Naib Ketua Dewan Pemuda PAS Pusat, Azman Sharpawi.

Azman yang juga Ketua Dewan Pemuda PAS Terengganu ketika berceramah di Kampung Razali delat sini, baru-baru ini menjelaskan proses peralihan kuasa terganggu akibat Najib yang mengetuai pilihanraya kecil Parlimen Kuala Terengganu hilang wibawa akibat daripada kekalahan Umno-BN dalam pilihanraya kecil tersebut.

"Dulu apabila Unno BN kalah dalam pilihanraya umum semua tangan menunjukkan kearah Abdullah Ahmad Badawi yang dianggap lemah. Kemudian berlaku desakan agar peralihan kuasa dalam Umno perlu dilakukan.

"Kemudian apabila Umno BN kalah lagi dalam pilihanraya kecil Permatang Pauh, desak lagi agar segerakan peralihan kuasa dalam bulan Mac. Pak Lah turut lagi, ini bermakna semasa berlakunya pilihanraya kecil Kuala Terengganu Najib adalah Presiden Umno dan Najib adalah bayangan Perdana Menteri. Tetapi rakyat secara jelas telah menolak kepimpinan Najib dengan mengalahkan calon Umno. Sebab itu kita percaya Najib lalui jalan sukar,"katanya.

Tambah Azman terdapat banyak desakan agar Perdana Menteri Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi meneruskan kepimpinan sebagai Perdana Menteri bagi meneruskan agenda pembaharuannya dalam pentadbiran.

"Banyak desakan kita dengar agar Pak Lah meneruskan jawatannya sebagai Perdana Menteri. Ada yang berpendapat kalau Najib ambil alih keadaan bertambah buruk," katanya.

Mengenai kejayaan PAS dan Pakatan Rakyat dalam pilihanraya kecil Kuala Terengganu Azman berkata sokongan luar biasa golongan muda memberi keyakinan kepada PAS dan Pakatan Rakyat untuk menerajui kerajaan pada pilihanraya akan datang.

"Sokongan golongan muda memang luar biasa dan amat membimbangkan Umno. Kejayaan kita kerana golongan muda berpihak kepada PAS dan Pakatan Rakyat, kalau trend ini berterusan masa depan PAS dan Pakatan Rakyat memang cerah,"katanya.

The Malaysian Insider

The score is 0-3 and the threat of more embarrassment being piled upon him, the party and ruling coalition he will soon lead, grows by the day.

Defeat in Permatang Pauh. Defeat in Kuala Terengganu. Cross-over in Bota.

But he is still the calmest man in the room. Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has told Cabinet minister, senior politicians and government officials that he does not believe that the setbacks suffered by Umno/Barisan Nasional since March 8 2008 are signs that Malaysians want the ruling coalition out of power.

He does not believe that Umno is on a death watch.

He does not believe that the country is ready to flick away, like an annoying piece of lint, the government which has held the reins of power since independence and transformed a largely agrarian society to one of the top trading nations in the world.

Najib, who will become leader of the party and be installed as the prime minister of Malaysia by March 31, is confident that with some meaningful reforms and a steady stewardship of the economy, he will be able to staunch the bleeding of support for Umno/BN and put it on the right path to recover lost ground at the next general elections, scheduled for 2013.

But …

But first he will have to convince his party men that phase of change does not end when Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi steps down from power in March. Indeed, the changing of guard at the top should signal the beginning of a period of sustained change in the party. The first step

should be the composition of the Cabinet.

Every Umno president has been forced to “respect’’ the wishes of the 2,000 Umno delegates and reward successful candidates at party elections with Cabinet positions.

So it did not matter if you were corrupt, incompetent, average or a chauvinist. If you snared a senior party position, you were a shoo-in for a Cabinet seat.

Shaken by the results of Election 2008, Abdullah flirted with the idea of loading his Cabinet with at least four or five top Malay professionals.

He finally buckled to pressure from the party and only selected Amirsham A. Aziz and Zaid Ibrahim. He loaded the Cabinet with politicians, considered heavyweights in Umno but average by the rest of the country.

Najib has drawn up a list of credible individuals who have the brainpower and stature to be ministers but is already being told that he should not be too adventurous.

In short, stick to the old formula of promoting Umno politicians who bag the most number of votes at the party elections.

There are several problems with sticking with the old tried and discredited formula.

Even Umno politicians concede that vote buying and corruption is rampant this time around. What message will Najib send Malaysians if he loads his Cabinet with politicians who purchased their positions in Umno?

But…

But first he will have to oversee an economy that will be in the doldrums for between 12 to 24 months.

In the days ahead, the government will tweak its official position and acknowledge that the growth forecast of 3.5 per cent for 2009 cannot be met.

Research houses and analysts say that Malaysia will be in recession, with the economy contracting by between 1 per cent and 2 per cent.

Government officials told The Malaysian Insider that they still believe that economy will expand this year, perhaps by 0.5 per cent. That is the best case scenario and is anchored on this important assumption: that the RM7 billion stimulus package is implemented in a timely fashion.

The Malaysian Insider has learnt that some RM5 billion has been released to individual ministeries but the money has not flowed down to projects earmarked under the stimulus package.

The biggest challenge Najib will face is to keep Malaysians in their jobs.

The second stimulus package to be announced soon will include measures to reduce the cost of doing business, including a possible corporate tax cut.

The government hopes that by cutting down cost for businesses, employers will not cut jobs. If this gambit proves unsuccessful and the rate of retrenchment increases, Najib and the BN government will have to face the prospect of between 200,000 and 300,000 Malaysians out of work.

What then? How do you inspire people when their confidence has been sucked dry, sapped by the loss of the one thing that keeps them and their loved ones going?

But…

But first he will have to make sure the more trying economic times and more fractious political scenario does not further weaken the frayed ties between Malaysia’s races.

Looking back, one of the biggest disappointments of the Abdullah era has been his paralysis in tackling racial and religious issues.

The PM hoped that if you left tricky issues alone long enough, they would sort themselves out.

They don’t. They just become festering sores.

Just after the Hindu Action Rights Force persuaded 30,000 Indians to take to the streets in November 2007 and pushed the marginalisation of Indians to become a national issue, Abdullah convened a meeting of Indian community leaders in his office.

He was given an unvarnished account of the crime situation among Indians; the economic deprivation and cautioned that the despair in the community was like a ticking time bomb.

Abdullah promised action but there was little follow-up. In a separate meeting, he was told by non-Muslim religious leaders that there was restlessness among Buddhist, Christians and Sikhs over the perceived encroaching on their freedom to worship by the government.

Today, these complaints are as loud as ever. Abdullah found himself caught in a dilemma: he wanted to be fair to the non-Muslims but he was concerned about upsetting his power base in Umno and among the Malays.

So he did nothing.

The option of doing nothing will not be available to Najib. Indeed, the option of following the old playbook will not be available to Najib.

As the moon waxes and wanes, so too have the political fortunes of Deputy Premier Najib Razak and Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim.

But with the latest shock defection of a prized Umno assemblyman to KeADILan, a key turning point may have been hit.

Attention is now firmly back on Anwar and what next he has to unveil, while Najib faces the music from his own party …

By Wong Choon Mei

Whether he chooses to admit it or not, pundits say the political clock has begun ticking for Najib Abdul Razak, even before he takes over as the country’s sixth prime minister in March.

They point at Sunday’s decision by Bota assemblyman, Nasaruddin Hashim, to leave Najib’s Umno for KeADILan, the party led by Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim.

“This is a direct consequence of the Kuala Terengganu by-election defeat at the hands of the Pakatan Rakyat coalition,” said a veteran political watcher.

“KT is a core Malay heartland and the loss is starting to create the sort of reverberations in Umno that some members have been expecting, but were afraid to say out loud. There can be only two outcomes for Umno and Najib now. His ouster and the party’s re-birth, or his survival and the party’s demise.”

In top-level politics since he was 22, the 55-year old Najib is perceived by many to personify many of the ills that have brought down the once-mighty party. Umno has been increasingly shunned in recent years by younger-generation Malays for pushing a cocktail of corrupt and elitist politics.

Despite being the campaign director for KT, Najib was quick to distance himself from the loss, and sees Nasaruddin’s defection as a one-off incident.

“These are all rumours. I don’t think so,” he said, when asked if this could be the tip of the ice-berg. “It is not right to abandon the party because of personal problems or dissatisfaction at a time when the party needs our support.”

Nasaruddin, however, paints a different picture, pin-pointing “the situation that exists now in Umno and its leadership” as a main reason behind his move.

“This decision was taken after a long study and consideration of the public’s interest in general, especially my supporters and voters in the state assembly area of Bota,” he said.

Contrasting fortunes

As Najib’s star begins to lose some sparkle, arch rival Anwar is resurgent.

The opposition icon, who led Pakatan to a historic performance in the 2008 general election by winning five of the nation’s 13 states, had suffered a setback when he failed to follow through on a promise to topple the Umno-led Barisan Nasional government by September last year.

But with the KT win underscoring the still-growing faith Malaysians have in him, the 61-year old former deputy premier is confident of being able to attract more BN leaders to the Pakatan fold.

“Now the Ox has come in, just be patient… we are working hard just like the ox,” Anwar said at KeADILan’s Chinese New Year open house in Klang.

Indeed, KT and Nasaruddin’s defection - both occurring within the same month - are sweet victories for the Pakatan coalition comprising KeADILan, DAP and PAS.

Subjected to an intense bout of bad press from the BN-controlled media, the trio has had to fight off a string of speculation, including talk about an imminent bust-up over ideological differences and political incompatibility.

“The decision of Nasaruddin is critical, reflecting the sentiment of his voters, primarily the Malays in his constituency,” said Anwar, adding that it also reflected the “beginning of a new wave” for the Pakatan.

Najib courts non-Malays

Meanwhile, Najib is trying hard to make up for his declining popularity within his own community by winning over the other ethnic groups.

In particular, he has taken pains to court the Chinese community through the MCA-controlled newspapers by portraying himself as a dependable and moderate Malay leader

He is also trying to reach out to the Indian community, taking an interest in the latest flare-up over alleged police brutality against a 22-year old suspect - Kugan Ananthan - that resulted in his death while in custody.

Yet, barely three months ago, Najib was at the peak of his popularity, sweeping the Umno presidency uncontested during party nominations in November.

He was also perceived as being in the group that manoeuvred Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi into accepting responsibility for the 2008 general election debacle and agreeing to early retirement.

Najib’s supporters had then justified Abdullah’s ouster by claiming it was the only way to snap the Umno-BN losing streak. They also said Najib was the only viable choice for both the Malays and the rest of the nation.

According to them, Najib “is the one who has the numbers”. But the deterioration has not stopped and ironically, it may be his days as the top gun in Umno that are now numbered.

“Umno was defeated even in its own long-held bastion. The loss of Kuala Terengganu shows that the people are now starting to reject the leadership of Najib,” said Anwar. - Suara Keadilan

by M. Bakri Musa

It is not enough for Najib Razak and other UMNO leaders to lament the loss of their party’s “wow” factor, or for them to endlessly exhort the party faithful to “re-invent” or “re-brand” their organization. Reform is like sex; merely talking about it is not enough, for without the necessary accompanying actions it will only increase your frustration.

To regain voters’ confidence, the change in UMNO must begin with its top leaders, specifically Najib. He has to demonstrate it through his actions; anything less and he risks frustrating voters and replicating the electoral disasters of Permatang Pauh and Kuala Trengganu nationally.

First and foremost Najib must legitimize his rise to the party’s top position. Being “promoted” by Abdullah Badawi is no endorsement, being that he is a discredited leader. Likewise, being nominated unopposed is no ratification either, especially when the process is hopelessly riddled with “money politics,” otherwise known as corruption.

Second, Najib must display a sense of enlightened leadership. For example, expending his precious time and political capital by intensively campaigning in a by-election that in his own words “would not alter the nation’s political landscape” was neither necessary nor prudent. With the nation facing many critical crises, he should focus on more substantive matters.

Last, Najib must demonstrate that he has the personal qualities and moral integrity to lead the nation. Merely denying that he had nothing to do with Saiful Bukhari, that college dropout who alleged that he had been sodomized by the opposition leader, or that Najib knew nothing of the brutal murder of that Mongolian model Altantuya and the attendant involvement of his hitherto closest advisor Razak Baginda, is not enough. The public deserves better; we demand a more thorough accounting.

Until then, any utterance by Najib Razak about reforming UMNO will ring hollow; do not frustrate voters by unnecessarily raising their expectations. That is dangerous.

Legitimizing Najib’s Leadership

Najib’s only claim to his party’s leadership is that he is currently unopposed for that position. Where the process is open and transparent, being unopposed signifies unanimous approval. That is certainly any leader’s dream and rightful claim of legitimacy.

UMNO’s nominating process however, is deeply flawed, apart from being corrupt. The “unanimous” choice of Najib is anything but. The process is hollow and meaningless. With “money politics” rampant, Najib’s nomination “victory” is irredeemably tainted.

The current nominating process is designed specifically to discourage or more correctly, prevent challengers. It is not a genuine contest. Requiring candidates be nominated by at least 30 percent of the party’s 191 divisions effectively means that at most there can only be three nominees. That is an unnecessary barrier, meant not to get the best talent but to protect the incumbent.

This requirement was put in place only 20 years ago, following the bitter and divisive Mahathir-Tengku Razaleigh rivalry. Before that, and for the first 40 years of UMNO’s existence, its leaders including Bapak Merdeka Tunku Abdul Rahman and the much-revered Tun Razak (Najib’s father) were routinely challenged at the party’s leadership convention.

The party can do without this burdensome nomination “quota rule” as well the equally damaging no-challenge “tradition” for its two top positions. The party’s Supreme Council however, could override both. While many of its senior members are in favor of dumping this onerous rule, Najib remains “neutral.” That is not the mark of someone confident of his leadership ability.

If Najib were to introduce a motion at the next Supreme Council meeting to remove this “quota rule,” that would greatly enhance his legitimacy even if the Council were to vote against it. If the Council were to vote for it, then the party would benefit by opening up the process and the delegates getting to preview many more potential candidates.

Such an open process would also effectively blunt the current corrosive influence of “money politics” as there would be no need to bribe divisional leaders in order to secure your nomination. And at the party’s elections, with over 2,000 delegates, it would be difficult if not impossible to bribe them all. You could influence them only with your ideas and talent, as it should be.

Removing the quota would of course invite challengers to Najib. Tengku Razaleigh would definitely be one; there may be others. There would also be additional candidates for all the other positions.

If Najib were to survive a challenge from Tengku Razaleigh for example, Najib’s stature and legitimacy would be greatly enhanced. That would effectively shut up his many critics.

Of course Najib could lose, and with that, his political career. That may explain his reluctance to tamper with the current quota rules which work in his favor. While such a maneuver would secure his immediate political survival, he would critically jeopardize his party’s chance in the next national elections. Presently many, and not just those outside of UMNO and Barisan, question his ability and legitimacy. Najib would be sacrificing his party’s future just to ensure his short-term political survival.

Articulating His Vision

Even if Najib were to prevail in an open contest, he still needs to articulate his vision for the future of our nation. He has to convince us that he has “the right stuff.” He has to give us his personal manifesto, as it were. And he has to do that now before his party’s convention in March, for at that time he would be more concerned with rallying his troops.

The prevailing perception is that Najib owes his current position merely by being the son of a famous father. To non-Malays specifically, Najib has yet to erase the ugly image of the keris-taunting antics of his UMNO Youth’s days. Additionally his career, while long, is very narrow; he spent his entire adult life in government, getting his paycheck from taxpayers.

Like his immediate predecessor Abdullah Badawi, there is nothing substantial to Najib’s career in politics despite his overflowing resume. His tenure as Defense Minister was marked by the collapse of the Pularek Naval Base just before its official opening, the gross breach of security by the Al Muanah gang at the Grik Army base in Perak, and the now evolving scandal with the French submarine purchase. As for his legacy as Education Minister, good luck in discerning that.

Now as Finance Minister, he remains disturbingly quiet; he has nothing to offer on how to solve the grave economic challenges facing us except to issue bland, meaningless reassurances.

In contrast, Tengku Razaleigh bravely outlined his views of the current economic crisis and his bold strategies to deal with it. Compared to the towering leadership of the Tengku, Najib looks like a novice Boy Scout troop leader constantly looking to his manual on how to lead.

Demonstrating His Integrity

Lastly, Najib must clarify the many sordid allegations and rumors implicating him. Bland denials alone are not enough.

The most damaging, and which requires the most detailed explanation, is his role in (if any) or knowledge of the murder of the Mongolian model and the involvement of his confidant Razak Baginda. That Razak Baginda was acquitted does not clear the matter.

The accusations leveled at Najib are too specific and detailed (including specific SMS texts and cell phone numbers) that they demand a more complete explanation from him. Hiding behind client-attorney privilege as Najib did in trying to dismiss the many SMS between him and Shafie Abdullah, the attorney who was at the time representing Razak Baginda, is inappropriate. For one, Najib was not Shafie’s client, then or now. Indeed at that time Shafie was representing Razak Baginda, until he (Razak) dismissed Shafie. For another, such a “cover” would not sell in the court of public opinion.

Those details of the Altantuya murder, as well as the sordid mess of the Saiful Bukhari sodomy allegation, will eventually be revealed bit by bit in their respective criminal trials. A full disclosure now by Najib would help preempt the inevitable excruciating and embarrassing details.

Najib Razak may become the leader of UMNO and thus Malaysia’s next Prime Minister come this March without bothering to address these three issues. However, the next General Elections will be less than 48 months away after he becomes Prime Minister. If not addressed frontally and openly now, these questions about his ability, integrity and legitimacy would only get worse. Yes, Najib may get his wish, but he could also end up being the nation’s shortest-serving leader, for come the next national election, Najib and UMNO will be buried.

That would be quite a legacy for the son of a great patriot. Perversely then, Najib’s political demise would of necessity trigger and be instrumental in UMNO’s reform. By that time it may be too late to alter UMNO’s fate, but at least you would have fun knowing that you are doing something productive.

Apart from the Altantuya case, Najib is also dogged by shady arms purchases notably the procurement of Sukhoi fighter jets and submarines in which Razak is suspected of pocketing hundreds of millions of Ringgit worth of commission direct from the principal.

This was what hantulautan.blogspot.com published on 23 September 2008. At that time I was on the way to the Kamunting Detention Centre and, of course, never got to read it. Nevertheless, it is still relevant today and I thought that, in the event some of you may have missed this piece, we should recap on what was said then.

Saving Abdullah
By RAHMAN MOHD332
(http://hantulautan.blogspot.com/2008/09/saving-abdullah.html)

The most important political development in town has very little to do with Anwar Ibrahim. Instead, it is about the dynamics of the relationship between the Prime Minister and his deputy and how they approach the UMNO party elections that are set to commence with the divisional meetings on 9 October.

Neither Abdullah Ahmad Badawi nor Najib Tun Razak wants to fight the other. They know that this would be disastrous for the party and even prove to be the final nail in its coffin. Both want to honour the spirit, if no longer the exact letter, of the transition plan, which originally intended for Najib to take over the premiership and party presidency in June 2010. It was a deal brokered directly by the two men and endorsed by the party Supreme Council.

But things began to fall apart after the loss at the Permatang Pauh by-election even though this had very little to do with Abdullah's leadership (in fact it was seen more as a battle between Anwar Ibrahim and Najib). There was a resurgence of dissent within party ranks led by vice president, Muhyiddin Yassin, and egged on by Mahathir Mohamed from the outside. This was an opportunity to renew the pressure on Abdullah to go now rather than later. But the spark that lit the fire was Najib's statement a couple of weeks ago that although he was committed to the transition plan, he would also leave it to the divisions to decide whether they want to support it as well. Politics is all about signalling. For many in the party, that statement by Najib was a signal that he would contest the presidency against Abdullah.

Opportunistic dissenters like Muhyiddin latched onto Najib's statement and instigated the grassroots to create a groundswell effect against Abdullah in order to pressure him to bow out in December. For Muhyiddin, this would be a dream scenario with him walking into the deputy presidency of the party probably unchallenged and thereby becoming also the Deputy Prime Minister. Everything came to a head at last week's UMNO Supreme Council meeting where three members – Muhyiddin, Shafie Apdal and Rafidah Aziz - came out to ask Abdullah to hand over power to Najib earlier than the scheduled timetable. Pro-Abdullah forces in the council were told to stand down during the meeting in order to not worsen the situation.

So what does Najib do now? For all intents and purposes, he is still outwardly committed to the transition plan and does not want to fight Abdullah. He knows that if he digs his heels in with Abdullah, the top job will be there for him by mid 2010 at the latest but in all probability much earlier since Abdullah himself has said that he is willing to be flexible about retiring sooner. The only thing that worries Najib is that if he sticks with Abdullah and there is a challenge from a Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah-Muhyiddin team, he might get swept away along with Abdullah. However, these fears are unfounded. Party leaders know that if Najib swings his support totally behind Abdullah and their forces work together on the ground, there is no other alternative combination that can beat them.

For Najib, if he decides not to honour his word to Abdullah, he knows he will be stuck with Muhyiddin as his deputy. This would be a problem for him later because the two men are suspicious of one another having once been rivals for the job of Abdullah's deputy. Muhyiddin has also demonstrated via his dissent towards Abdullah that he is a man who has no qualms stabbing his boss in the back, and may do the same to Najib especially in a time of political crisis. Muhyiddin will also not be beholden to Najib because he will think that his elevation to deputy premier and deputy president of UMNO has little to do with Najib. So for these reasons, Najib will not want Muhyiddin as his deputy.

Najib would be in a much more comfortable position if he goes with the transition deal with Abdullah, and then when the time comes for Abdullah to step down, Najib would have three vice presidents to choose from as his deputy. Not only does this give him the luxury of choice but it will most certainly make the person he selects as his deputy completely beholden to him because it will be entirely Najib's decision unlike the scenario of having Muhyiddin forced on him.

There are also other reasons Najib should stick with Abdullah. As far as UMNO members are concerned, Najib may be popular. This is courtesy of a solid network that he has cultivated for the last three decades. But his image and credibility publicly is something else. For many people Najib is synonymous with the brutal murder of the Mongolian woman, Altantuya Shaariibuu. Regardless of Najib's repeated religious oaths that he never even met Altantuya, the taint refuses to go away especially since the man accused of abetting the murder, Razak Baginda, was a close advisor and friend to Najib. Apart from the Altantuya case, Najib is also dogged by shady arms purchases notably the procurement of Sukhoi fighter jets and submarines in which Razak is suspected of pocketing hundreds of millions of Ringgit worth of commission direct from the principal. So with the SAS (Sukhoi, Altantuya, Submarine) scandal tarnishing his public image, Najib still needs Abdullah as a shield of sorts. In fact, Anwar is relentless in his attacks on the SAS issues exposing it as Najib's vulnerable Achilles' heel. So long as Abdullah is around, Najib can use the time to rehabilitate his public image especially with his new portfolio at the Treasury where he can enact popular policies to deflect the public's attention from the SAS issues.

Finally, the last thing Najib wants is to go through a bruising fight with Abdullah. Najib may ultimately win the battle with current sentiment against Abdullah and his formidable network in UMNO, but could lose the war because of a damaged and divided party. Abdullah may be against the ropes but he's not going to be a pushover. His supporters will use every advantage of incumbency to fight any challenge and it will significantly split UMNO. This is something that Najib can ill-afford. Even if he takes on and beats Abdullah, he will be left with a party ruined. The implications of this are serious. If BN component parties see a broken UMNO, they might just take it as a signal to jump ship and join Anwar. That could prove to be the final act on the demise of UMNO and it will be on Najib's watch.

So although Najib may feel insecure about taking his chances with Abdullah for the fear of going down with him, he stands to gain more from sticking to the transition plan and fighting it out by Abdullah's side. It will give him the freedom to choose his deputy, a shield against attacks, time to rehabilitate his battered public image and it will avoid a damaging contest that can destroy UMNO. It must also be remembered that the next few months will be crucial on Anwar front. The sodomy trial will get under way and Najib will not want to be alone when all the sordid details of the case are revealed given his association with Saiful Bukhari Azlan who accuses Anwar of having sodomized him. Without Abdullah, the focus will be entirely on Najib and this could damage further his public image.

Given these arguments, Najib should come out soon to give a categorical statement to support Abdullah's candidacy for party president. It may not only appear to be the wisest choice but also one that will make Najib most secure in the long run. - Malaysia Today

IPOH, Jan 26 – The Perak Umno Liaison Committee will meet party deputy president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak in Kuala Lumpur on Monday evening to discuss Bota Assemblyman Datuk Nasaruddin Hashim’s defection to Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR).

Its chairman Datuk Seri Tajol Rosli Ghazali said Najib was expected to issue a statement after the meeting.

“I am also asking Datuk Nasarudin to meet the Umno president (Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi) as there is nothing that cannot be resolved. If he is free, he can also meet Najib tomorrow,” he told reporters yesterday after chairing an emergency meeting of Perak Barisan Nasional (BN) assemblymen, here.

Tajol Rosli also hoped that Nasarudin would “think deeply” about his action and return to Umno.

Tajol Rosli also dismissed rumours that a number of BN assemblymen would be joining Pakatan Rakyat, saying such talk was mere speculation.

Asked whether Nasarudin had before this voiced out any problems to him, he said the assemblyman had never done so.

“Perhaps problems could have cropped up since the divisional elections last October when Nasaruddin contested the Bota Umno division chief post against the incumbent Datuk Mohd Zaim Abu Hassan and lost,” he said.

Tajol Rosli also said that Nasaruddin had not contacted him so far and his phone calls to him (Nasarudin) had gone unanswered, although some Umno members were in contact with him.

“Perhaps he feels embarrassed to speak to me after what happened, but I hope he will reconsider the decision (of joining Pakatan Rakyat) he made,” he added.

Twenty of the 28 Barisan Perak assemblymen attended the emergency meeting which ended at 11pm. The rest – other than Nasaruddin – were out of the state at the time. – Bernama

KUALA LUMPUR, Jan 26 – Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has dismissed talk that there will be more Barisan Nasional (BN) representatives defecting to Pakatan Rakyat.

“These are all rumours ... I don’t think so,” he said
when asked about speculation in the wake of Bota assemblyman Datuk Nasarudin Hashim’s announcement yesterday that he had joined the Pakatan Rakyat.

Earlier Najib and wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor joined thousands of people at the Chinese New Year open house organised by the MCA at Wisma MCA here.

Describing Nasarudin’s action as unexpected, Najib said he hoped that the Umno veteran could think carefully his decision to join Parti Keadilan Rakyat, a Pakatan Rakyat component member.

The Umno deputy president said he was made to understand that Nasarudin’s action was due to several factors. He did not elaborate.

Meanwhile, Najib, when met by reporters at the Gerakan open house here, admitted that Nasarudin’s move had taken many in Umno by surprise.

“We heard about this two days ago but it is still a shock,” he said.

Najib said Umno and BN elected representatives should understand that the party had done a lot of good deeds for the people and the country.

“It is not right to abandon the party because of personal problems or dissatisfaction at a time when the party needs our support,” he said.

Najib, who is BN deputy chairman, said he would meet Perak BN chairman Datuk Seri Tajol Rosli Ghazali today to discuss the issue.

With the crossover, the Perak Pakatan Rakyat government now has 32 seats to BN’s 27.

In a statement posted on PKR advisor Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s website, Nasarudin said, he made the decision after considering the interests of his constituents.

In the March 8 general election, Nasarudin, who polled 6,556 votes, defeated PKR candidate Capt (Rtd) Usaili Alias with a 2,068-vote majority. – Bernama